CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the
Study
Nigeria is a large multi-ethnic country where
intra-ethnic cleavages remain a critical problem and ethnic militancy has
erupted periodically. Ethnic militancy in Nigeria have its roots in ethnic violence
which included: Ife-Modakeke Crisis in Osun State in 1834; Yoruba-Hausa Clashes
in Sagamu in 1999, Ogun State; Eleme-Okrika Conflict in Rivers State in 2012;
Zango-Kataf in Kaduna State in 1992; Tiv-Jukun in Wukari, Taraba State in 1989; Ogoni-Adoni in 1993-1994
in Rivers State; Chamba-Kuteb in Taraba State in 1991; Itsekiri-Ijaw/Urhobo in Delta State in 1997;
Aguleri-Umuleri in Anambra State in 1995; Ijaw-Ilaje conflict in Ondo State in 1998; Basa-Egbura
in Nassarawa State in 1998; Hausa/Fulani-Sawaya in Bauchi in 1948, 1959, 1977, 1991, 1995, 2001, 2005, 2010, 2011 and
2012 among others. These conflicts
have provided a pattern that makes scholars to attribute their causes to greed,
power and wealth distribution (Akinyele, 2003).
By 1999, various groups felt marginalised and formed
militia bodies that fought along ethnic lines.The Odua People’s Congress (OPC)
was put in place by the Yoruba in the south-western part of the country to
fight for the protection and defence of Yoruba in Nigeria.
In the eastern part was the Movement for the
Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), fighting for secession
of the Igbo ethnic tribe from the Nigeria.
In the north, the Arewa Peoples’ Congress was
formed to defend the northerners and propagate Sharia law across the northern
states. In the end, Nigeria became a hot-bet of militancy which challenged
established national security of the country (Albert, 2004). Thousands of militants, grouped under
different names such as The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta
(MEND), the Ijaw Youth Council (lYC) and Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni
People (MOSOP), and recently Niger Delta Avengers, etc, have over the years
carried out multiple attacks on strategic oil and gas installations in the
Niger Delta region. Niger Delta transverses nine of the thirty six states of
Nigeria, namely: Abia, AkwaIbom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo, and Rivers
(Obi, 2005). Most of the oil exploration so far had been at the core Niger
Delta states of Beyelsa, Delta and Rivers. These three states had witnessed the
major crises in the region. Thus, Warri city has one of the highest rate of
militant attacks in Delta State due to the refinery and pipelines in the city (Imobighe,
2002).
Patterns
of militant attacks on oil installations, hostage taking and direct
confrontations with Nigerian security agencies have drawn both local and
international attention to their deplorable situation through their
restiveness.
The
Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF), founded by Alhaji Mujahid Asari-Dokubo,
and the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV), created by Ateke Tom, led more than 100
other smaller armed groups to violently engage the Federal Government and
multinational oil companies in a ‘war of attrition’(Ojakorotu & Olawale,
2009).
Asari’s
NDPVF launched a series of attacks on oil wells and installations, disrupting
oil production. The militant groups also attempted to control oil resources
through oil bunkering, an exercise that involves tapping pipelines. All of
these have had damaging effects on oil production in the region and eventually
led to shutting down of the Warri refineries several times (Akpabio & Akpan,
2010).
Clearly,
no militant group has ever emerged in a vacuum; there are dynamic contexts—political, social,
economic, temporal, spatial,
even religious—that must be taken into account. Thus, a considerable
amount of emphasis is placed on identifying the array of environmental
conditions and grievances among members of the local population that
facilitated opportunities for internal militancy in Nigeria to muster support
and orchestrate acts of political violence. The government of Nigeria has
struggled to deal effectively with these grievances and sources of tension
throughout the country, and there is a pervasive belief particularly among
northern Nigerians that the government continually fails to address critical
needs of those who aspire for a better future.