CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
In the developing nations like Nigeria, there is a growing concern of the lack of female representatives in politics. Female have been regarded endangered class and their lack of representation in the Nigerian politics has been attributed to culture, religious, economic constraint and male chauvinism (Aiyede, 2016). Most African nations and specifically Nigeria has ascribed the leadership roles on male, thus promoting the course of gender inequality. However, in the just concluded 2019 Nigerian’s general elections a lot of female have taken a bold steps of time and come to assume leadership positions in the politics and this is a great step in the right direction as it will go a long way in breaking the jinx of low female representation in the Nigerian Politics (Author, 2019). The 2019 general election was viewed by many as an excellent platform to substantiate the voting pattern of Nigerian women and it truly showed the active contribution and the support of female to the campaigns and elections, hence the need for reflection and focused advocacy for the mindful and quality involvement of women in the structures of the newly elected government and parliament (Author, 2019).
It is pertinent to say that females are major stakeholders in the development project of every society. The topic of female low involvement in politics globally has attracted great public outcry (Aina, & Olayode, 2012).
Aina (2012) opined that are overwhelming proofs to show that female are a genuine assets in public offices. The immense political and leadership roles played by Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti and Mrs Margaret Ekpo in the pre independence of Nigeria and political struggles are indisputable (Ajayi, 2017). Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti was the convener of female’s rights all over Nigeria, while Mrs Ekpo was the only female of the seven men committee member that was formed in 1951 to arrange a national political organization aimed at realizing self government within a stipulated time frame of five years (Ajayi, 2017). Also, the daring exploits of Queen Amina in the political dominance of the old Zaria were paralleled by those of Joan of Arc who led her French country men to record outstanding victories against the invading English forces in 1429 (Dovi, 2016). However, after the Nigerian independence, the place of the Nigerian female in the political sphere disappeared owing to their male counterpart who has been domineering and has made the system so stringent for the female folks to participate (Aina, 2012).
Effah, (2012) avers that the Nigerian political system has been regarded as male centric during the military administrations and that of the democratic civilian governance. During the military, the female were given least opportunity to challenge the structure of gender inequality as the military administration promoted only female subordinate position in the society through the office of the First Lady – a procedure that held up female’s questions from being tackled within the conventional development praxis (Effah, 2012). The female questions were tackled within the private interests of the wives of political leaders under this setting.
Adeniyi, (2013), claimed that one of the important objectives outlined by the Fourth World Conference on Women, 1995, in Beijing was adequate representation of female in every decision making bodies.
It was recommended that, in all representative bodies, there should be a reasonable equilibrium of men and women to champion the concerns of the society together (Dovi, 2016). Good leadership and governance mean being participatory, accountable, predictable, and transparent, which practically call for gender equity in political participation. Goetz, (2013) maintains female's insights and standards of governance can improve and enrich the generally decision making process. It is also classically revealed that female at the local level are more insightful to community issues (Ekpe, Eja, & John, 2014).
Lewu, (2015) stated that unfortunately, Nigeria has not put into practice its promise to female's political participation through the 30% affirmative action mandate recommended for in the National Women Policy (2000); and which has been increased to 35% in the National Gender Policy (2006).
Aina, (2012) contends that the Female's political representation continues to be repressed by socio cultural factors that relegate them to the background in leadership discourse and decision making processes. Thus, the wide female gaps in governance and politics have been as a result for the gross inequity faced by the Nigerian female irrespective of regional/urban-rural location, ethnic origin, and religion (Aina, 2012).
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Low female representation in governance in the Nigeria Politics is a controversial issue. For decades, marginalization has characterized low female representation in the Nigerian politics. Some authors (Aina, 2012; Awe, 2012; Effah 2012) have attributed this low representation of the female in the Nigerian politics to different factors such as inhibiting social, cultural and religious.
They buttressed further that these factors have affected female’s perception of politics resulting to a very low rate of political interest, knowledge and activities in politics.
Adeniyi, E. (2013), asserted that one of the problems of low representation of the female folks in the Nigeria politics is that the Nigeria politics became male dominated - almost making the female nearly politically invisible. The problem of inequality in the politics has been seen by different people especially the female as an attempt to erode their fundamental rights (Ekpe, Eja, & John, 2014).
The Nigeria female have been relegated politically to the background in spite of the incredible attempts put forward by government and non-governmental organizations following the declaration made at the fourth World Conference on women in Beijing, which advocated 30% affirmative action and National Gender Policy (NGP) recommendation of 35% affirmative action for a more inclusive representation of female both in elective and appointive positions and it is against this backdrop that this study seeks to examine the lack of female representatives in the Nigerian politics.
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