INTRODUCTION
In political
science, public policy and sociology, elite theory is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain
the power relationships in contemporary society. The theory posits that a small
minority, consisting of members of the economic elite and policy-planning
networks, holds the most power and that this power is independent of a state's
democratic elections process (Odumakin, 2009). Through positions in corporations or on corporate boards, and influence
over the policy-planning networks through financial support of foundations or
positions with think tanks or policy-discussion groups, members
of the "elite" are able to exert significant power over the policy
decisions of corporations and governments. An
example of this can be found in the Forbes magazine article (published in December
2009) entitled The World's Most Powerful People, in which Forbes purported to list the 67 most powerful
people in the world (assigning one "slot" for each 100,000,000 of
human population).
Even when entire
groups are ostensibly completely excluded from the state's traditional networks
of power (historically, on the basis of arbitrary criteria such as nobility,
race, gender, or religion), elite theory recognizes that
"counter-elites" frequently develop within such excluded groups (Higley,
2012). Negotiations between such disenfranchised groups and the state can be
analyzed as negotiations between elites and counter-elites. A major problem, in
turn, is the ability of elites to co-opt counter-elites.
Assumptions of Elite
Theory
Elite theory opposes pluralism, a tradition that assumes
that all individuals, or at least the multitude of social groups, have equal
power and balance each other out in contributing to democratic political
outcomes representing the emergent, aggregate will of society. Elite theory
argues either that democracy is a utopian folly, as
it is traditionally viewed in the conservative Italian tradition, or that
democracy is not realizable within capitalism, as is the view of the more Marxist-compatible
contemporary elite theory permutation (Bariledum, 2013).
The theoretical view was also held by many social scientists
which holds that politics is best understood through the generalization that
nearly all political power is held by a relatively small and wealthy group of
people sharing similar values and interests and mostly coming from relatively
similar privileged backgrounds (Ojukwu and Shopeju, 2010).
Most of the top leaders in all or nearly all key sectors of
society are seen as recruited from this same social group, and elite theorists
emphasize the degree to which interlocking corporate and foundation
directorates, old school ties and frequent social interaction tend to link
together and facilitate coordination between the top leaders in business,
government, civic organizations, educational and cultural establishments and
the mass media.
This "power elite" can effectively dictate the main
goals (if not always the practical means and details) for all really important
government policy making (as well as dominate the activities of the major mass
media and educational/cultural organizations in society) by virtue of their
control over the economic resources of the major business and financial
organizations in the country (Tola and Bamidele, 2014).
Application of Elite
Theory in Accountability Policy in Nigeria
The
governing elite in Nigeria deriving from their social characteristics and
privileges of office operate as a formidable team against the mass (people) who
are encumbered by daily pressure for sustenance and necessities of life. The
manipulative tendencies and tool by the elite inhibit any genuine effort to
advance common cause in form of qualitative education, shelter, basic
infrastructure and other social amenities as deliverables of democratic
governance.
Michael
(2014), validated this in his assertion that “the dominant fraction of the
Nigerian ruling classes does not use the wealth they loot…for the benefit of
their people although these poor people whose names are invoked in vain are
often mobilized to fight their imaginary enemies. The reference to looting of
the nation’s wealth above reinforces the serial argument by scholars and public
analysts/social commentators that the governing elites in Nigeria (past and
present) are complicit in resource plunder, and as an extension of the colonial
state, the post-colonial state represented by the governing elite is also
predatory and exploitative (Albert,
2005). Albert corroborated that the emergent statesmen were apprenticed
under the colonial administrators and required such anti-democratic traits as
arrogance; exclusivity; elitism; executive authoritarianism, censorship of
popular debate on public issues. Successive governing elites in Nigeria are not
accountable to the citizenry.
This
is attributable to the fallen status of Nigerian laws and weak institutions of
governance which ensures that the internal and external mechanisms for
upholding public accountability are grossly circumscribed (Ibietan, 2013).
Support for these averments hinges on various allegations of public treasury
looting by public officials, Governors and local government chieftains to
mention but a few. The institutions (CCB; EFCC; ICPC; Judiciary) saddled with
the tasks of maintaining probity in office, moral rectitude in the conduct of
government business and integrity in public affairs have not been able to do
much.
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