NIGERIA – CHINA RELATIONS (A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF THE POLITICAL ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL RELATIONS)

CHAPTER TWO

                            LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

1.1 Introduction

The thrust of this literature review is to examine how scholars have attempted to explain the Nigeria-China  relations  with emphasis on political economic and cultural ties. This is with a view to locating the gap in the literature.

2.1  Conceptual Framework

Historically, the political economic and cultural  relations of People’ Republic of China and the Federal Republic of Nigeria dates back to 10th February, 1971 and the two countries’ bilateral relations have since been smooth and stably developed (Ali, 2008).

The development of this relationship has resulted in several bilateral agreements, in economic, trade, cultural, educational ties and many more. In fact, it is reported that about 20,000 Chinese live in Nigeria especially at the major economic centers of the country namely; Lagos,       Kano,  and Abuja (Chibundu, 2000).

 In August 2001, both countries signed an agreement on investment promotion and protection; in April 2002 they signed the agreement for avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income.  And three months later (July, 2002) the agreements on consular affairs, cooperation on strengthening management of Narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances, and diversion of precursor chemical, and tourism cooperation were signed by both countries (Igwe,2007).

Apparently these ties have strengthened their political economic and cultural relationships.

2.2.1 Evolution of Nigeria-China Relations

The People’s Republic of China was founded and proclaimed on 1^st day  of  October,  1949,  and  the  Federal  Republic  of  Nigeria  emerged  as  an independent entity from British Colonial rule on the 1^st day of October, 1960. Nigeria and China therefore shared symbolic day and month of political independence. Beyond the symbolic coincidence of the historic dates, China is the most populated country in the world (with estimated population of 1.5billion), while Nigeria is a country with the largest concentration of blacks in Africa (with an estimated population of 170 million).

Although informal relations had existed between Nigeria and China before independence Nigeria’s first official contact with the people’s Republic of China (PRC) was in 1960, when the later was invited to the latter’s independence celebration Nigeria seemed to have reciprocated this gesture when, on gaining admission to the United Nation (UN) later that year, Nigeria supported PRC’s membership in the world body (Ogunanwo, 2008).

These informal and official contacts notwithstanding, formal diplomatic ties between Nigeria and China were not established until February 10, 1971.  The delay and the defining character of China-Nigeria political economic and cultural relations are highlighted below Nigeria’s vote against anti-PRC American procedure overall, Nigeria’s foreign policy and the political leadership at independence were not only pro-West but vividly anti-Communist (Onuoha, 2008)

The resultant effect of this ideology disposition was diplomatic isolation of China that was accompanied occasionally by bitter attacks against communist ideology at home. In the wilder context of international politics which was then characterized by cold war confrontation, there was a definite congruence in the foreign policy aims and objectives of the former colonial power (Britain) and its newly independent country (Nigeria) vis-à-vis the socialist bloc, especially China (Adeleke, 2010)

Added to this foreign policy posture, Nigerian elites obtained their educational qualification from Western institutions with its attendant Western culture. This, Nigerian political leadership had no difference whatsoever against the British or its Western allies.

Besides, by social disposition, the immediate post independence elites in Nigeria shared world views similar to that of the British (Bukarambe, 2005).  Hence, the Chinese posture as a vanguard of the proletariat nations against imperialism made no impression on the conservative regime in Nigeria. One practical manifestation of Nigeria’s perception of China and its impact on their political economic and cultural relations during the cold war era occurred in September 1962, when China and India clashed across their common border. Nigerian government according to Emaikwu,  (2007) quickly sized the opportunity to portray China as the aggressor. Nigeria declared its support for India and called on nations to condemn what it viewed as Chinese aggression against India.

Another major foreign policy decision that also affected Nigeria –China relations was the issue of Taiwan’s expulsion from the United Nations. As earlier stated, the Nigeria had voted in support of China’s admission into the United Nations organization in 1960, Nigeria, however, had reservations about China’s insistence that Taiwan be expelled from the United Nations.

Nigeria wanted the two-Chinas to take their seats in the UN. This position was, however, unacceptable to China, given its unequivocal stance on one China policy that.

There is only one China in the World. Taiwan province is an integral part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China. Any foreign country that desires to establish diplomatic relations with China must make known its readiness to severe all diplomatic relations with the Taiwanese authorities and recognize the government of the People’s Republic as the sole legal government in China (Oche, 2010).

Nigeria considered these issues based on its adopted ideological perception. The civil way in Nigeria that became internationalized between 1967 and 1970 is another determinant factor that shaped Nigeria-China relations. As the parties in the dispute depended on external parties for arms, ammunitions and other materials with which to prosecute the war, propaganda was perceived by both parties, as a great factor that could shape the outcome of the civil war. These two factors were responsible for competition for friends and diplomatic support abroad, Nigeria solicited and got arms from the then soviet union and Czechoslovakia on the one hand, and some notable African countries (Tanzania, Cote D’Ivoire and Zambia) recognized Biafra (the proposed secessionists) on the other hand (Owoeye, 2000).

Despite these developments, Beijing did not take a definite and open position on the situation in Nigeria (the Civil War). The obvious reason for this disposition could be discerned in Chinese hope for a future establishment of diplomatic content with Nigeria. Chinese optimism was aided by some domestic and external factors that shaped Nigeria’s foreign policy after the war (Adeolu, 2007).

Visit www.researchshelf.com for complete project materials, project topics, past examination questions and answers, assignments, research proposals,  meet fellow students online, meet with lecturers and ask for help, read and post news (Campus News). Registration is Free Of Charge (FOC).

Note also that our mobile app will soon be launched where you can download it and view all the above features on your mobile devices. 

First, the Gowon regimes post war policies laid emphasis on national reconciliation, especially to countries which has supported (either openly or discreetly) Biafra during the war. Second, oil wealth at Nigeria’s disposal was projected into the country’s foreign policy machine, as there was a shift of policy to the realm of idealism. The augured financial capability enabled Nigeria to back up its newly acquired roles of a regional power and active liberation supporter. It should be noted that the Nigeria’s new foreign policy orientation came at a time when the war of liberation in Portuguese territories was at its zenith and tallied with Chinese anti-colonialist stance. With these developments, the stage seemed set to formally establish official diplomatic ties with Beijing (Ayantunji, and Ayodele, 2009).